Friday, April 29, 2011
Sunday, April 24, 2011
Pretty Woman Polka Dot Dress Brown
a dress rehearsal. DOES THE WORKING CLASS EXPERIENCE IN THE GENERAL STRIKE BY
"If This is change, change is a m. .. ".
Thus began the first days of April, with people on the street and with a degree of dissatisfaction was seen in the faces of the working class mobilized. The facts were developed gradually with the passing days and the government decided to problems worker population, an issue that has been questioned since the days against gasolinazo December.
So, more and more departments were added to the struggles. But there were twists and turns that will be explained below regarding how they ended up giving the facts.
In short, what is gained is a miserable 10 plus 1% wage increase, far behind what the fight left raised as a possibility.
The main control measure employed in years
At this point we stop to explain the scope and limits has been a general strike. The first thing we say is that was the biggest strike that has taken to suffer the government since the inauguration of Evo Morales. If I fail to be truly "general", however not without its enormous importance we dare say.
The fact is that joined tens of thousands of workers, the measure was truly national in scope, with the epicenter in La Paz, where marches were held for more than ten consecutive days. But the most remarkable of all was that for the first time in many years in the heart of the fight again to be important sectors of the working class wage.
mobilized workers were miners, workers, teachers, faculty and staff of universities and, finally, stockholders. Those
were most prevalent were the teachers on both the rural and urban components. Clarify that rural teachers was one of the most important arms of government support among the employees in previous years. But today, the unrest has reached that these workers have enough experience with this government to understand that it is not a government of workers.
The COB provides a strike that was for more
But we also see the limitations that had the first real test of a general strike under the MAS government.
One was given by the fact that the miners were fighting for the wage increase, well stated by the executive la federación de mineros que ellos "no estaban por el salario".... Por esto no hubo la paralización de actividades en las minas; y no estuvo planteada la consigna de nacionalización de la minería privada, porque muchos compañeros en un grado atrasado de la conciencia, siguen defendiendo como fuente de trabajo a la minería privada.
Esta fue una de las causas por la que la huelga no haya sido más intensa y con mayor presencia minera en la ciudad. Y de esto se agarro el gobierno para decir que "la producción no estaba paralizada". Algo parecido paso entre los fabriles, pero con otro signo: la precariedad del trabajo hacia peligrar fuentes de trabajo si se paraba algunas fabricas. Sin embargo, la razón fundamental de que factory workers have not been mobilized forcefully as last year lies in the bureaucratic leaders and not elsewhere.
From this it becomes the responsibility of the current leadership of the COB at the head of Pedro Montes. Because the reality is that it came very discredited after the betrayal of last year when left isolated factory workers and teachers. In this part many of the whys no progress was made in the fight. The betrayals are paid someday.
That's where the COB to negotiate and carry out and, again, to sell a strike that was on the rise and the whole society polarized by two cents. Because the strike had everything to gain from having open a clear political crisis in the government, which again seemed to lose control of events ", especially when the strike had no signs of wear and more unions are prepared to enter on Monday before the talks.
The old trick of accusing reformist workers in struggle as "agents" of the right
Another mistake was to have left the strike and can not guarantee that the government did not retaliate. The output should end the conflict by imposing the government not to take revenge, dismissals or discounts to employees. But the leadership of the COB does not guarantee even that which is fundamental to keep intact the fighting forces, and more so when those forces seem to be growing.
In the words of Vice President García Linera tired to discredit the movement, rather than slander, making provocative statements, "the matter said:" They deserve trial comrade leaders deserve trial (...) his attitude is criminal, rather serum to the patient, dynamite to scare children (sic) We have to outrage! ". This will have to explain to the Vice President that children are frightened of the dynamite ... but suffering from hunger, now more than two million children go hungry. Here is the limit of the government's lies: the hungry children comes first where malnutrition is presented to catastrophic levels.
why some departmental labor unions rejected what he said the central Bolivia. And if the government continues on the path of such statements, as a means to intimidate workers and cope with other social, things could become radicalized, with the government and the union bureaucracy: Do not forget that the workshop remains strong the end of December against gasolinazo.
One of the things that came to light, is that the government "as he had done in the conflicts of last year, accuses any sector worker who" pulls up to the plate "to be" agent of imperialism. " We insist: these are provocations seeking to isolate those who struggle the rest of society, but could have the opposite effect to that intended by the ruling party leading to extreme social polarization have not been given so far.
As you said Deputy Coordination with social movements, César Navarro, noting that the COB answer to "sectors of the ultra right that have infiltrated" a total lie only in the service of the unconditional defense of a government, Ultimately, more capitalist "reform" the proclamation.
With these arguments, they end up saying that anyone who attacks the government "communitarian socialism" (socialist who has nothing, and community, really, either) is right ...
COB Why was not until the end?
COB From the beginning, wanted to close the dispute as to give him a crumb of bread. The point is that the direction was highly questionable from the beginning.
At first, it was the first meeting with the government, the COB was half the idea of \u200b\u200blifting, but the bases were those imposed upon him to continue the strike.
But the key point is that the COB that this strike boost adoption increases at the levels needed to win the conflict and twist the arm of the government. What was done by the State was giving a paltry increase to get rid of the demonstrations. And that's made it look as COB a great "victory", the same leftist organizations such as the POR, which initially rejected the negligible increase, then raised it was "most desirable" ...
The truth is that the COB work this conflict with a view to the next Congress, today postponed until further notice.
This situation raises the need to build revolutionary addresses do not exist today. The task of incorporating new unions in the fight were not taken seriously. The Inter only stays in the margins that always was and never left where found. To win these conflicts, it should be large agencies to incorporate the majority of workers. CEDLA just released a report saying that 60% of the population receives a salary, refuting the vile lies of the government that we only reduced by 15% to the working population.
In conclusion, the negotiation is 11% away from the core that is fighting for better living conditions. This is wrong in the COB to raise their hands and determine "intermission" that is understandable when the people were for much more, or is understood that, ultimately, Montes y cia do nothing to end the game making MAS ruling.
To win the struggle is necessary to build a political instrument.
While these events happen, it is increasingly necessary body from political workers and for workers. This body would have to go against all union pressures being experienced in the conflict, leaving aside the pettiness and the prestige of one sector or another, and form the broadest possible unity with workers and peasants to fight for a perspective laying the foundations for an alternative to the lies of the MAS and its supporters.
This organization has to have the horizon to form the revolutionary leadership that is lacking today in the labor movement. A comparison of PER, which only sees the issue as political union, unions engaged in fights, the new organization has to put up a fight at a political level extended to all unions that already have experience with government and see no way out in the draft "change" silver by Morales and Linera.
Then, the project is to form a body that labor unions and transferred him from a political perspective revolutionary struggle of the labor movement, settling at once as an alternative to direct the struggle itself. 
"If This is change, change is a m. .. ".
Thus began the first days of April, with people on the street and with a degree of dissatisfaction was seen in the faces of the working class mobilized. The facts were developed gradually with the passing days and the government decided to problems worker population, an issue that has been questioned since the days against gasolinazo December.
So, more and more departments were added to the struggles. But there were twists and turns that will be explained below regarding how they ended up giving the facts.
In short, what is gained is a miserable 10 plus 1% wage increase, far behind what the fight left raised as a possibility.
The main control measure employed in years
At this point we stop to explain the scope and limits has been a general strike. The first thing we say is that was the biggest strike that has taken to suffer the government since the inauguration of Evo Morales. If I fail to be truly "general", however not without its enormous importance we dare say.
The fact is that joined tens of thousands of workers, the measure was truly national in scope, with the epicenter in La Paz, where marches were held for more than ten consecutive days. But the most remarkable of all was that for the first time in many years in the heart of the fight again to be important sectors of the working class wage.
mobilized workers were miners, workers, teachers, faculty and staff of universities and, finally, stockholders. Those
were most prevalent were the teachers on both the rural and urban components. Clarify that rural teachers was one of the most important arms of government support among the employees in previous years. But today, the unrest has reached that these workers have enough experience with this government to understand that it is not a government of workers.
The COB provides a strike that was for more
But we also see the limitations that had the first real test of a general strike under the MAS government.
One was given by the fact that the miners were fighting for the wage increase, well stated by the executive la federación de mineros que ellos "no estaban por el salario".... Por esto no hubo la paralización de actividades en las minas; y no estuvo planteada la consigna de nacionalización de la minería privada, porque muchos compañeros en un grado atrasado de la conciencia, siguen defendiendo como fuente de trabajo a la minería privada.
Esta fue una de las causas por la que la huelga no haya sido más intensa y con mayor presencia minera en la ciudad. Y de esto se agarro el gobierno para decir que "la producción no estaba paralizada". Algo parecido paso entre los fabriles, pero con otro signo: la precariedad del trabajo hacia peligrar fuentes de trabajo si se paraba algunas fabricas. Sin embargo, la razón fundamental de que factory workers have not been mobilized forcefully as last year lies in the bureaucratic leaders and not elsewhere.
From this it becomes the responsibility of the current leadership of the COB at the head of Pedro Montes. Because the reality is that it came very discredited after the betrayal of last year when left isolated factory workers and teachers. In this part many of the whys no progress was made in the fight. The betrayals are paid someday.
That's where the COB to negotiate and carry out and, again, to sell a strike that was on the rise and the whole society polarized by two cents. Because the strike had everything to gain from having open a clear political crisis in the government, which again seemed to lose control of events ", especially when the strike had no signs of wear and more unions are prepared to enter on Monday before the talks.
The old trick of accusing reformist workers in struggle as "agents" of the right
Another mistake was to have left the strike and can not guarantee that the government did not retaliate. The output should end the conflict by imposing the government not to take revenge, dismissals or discounts to employees. But the leadership of the COB does not guarantee even that which is fundamental to keep intact the fighting forces, and more so when those forces seem to be growing.
In the words of Vice President García Linera tired to discredit the movement, rather than slander, making provocative statements, "the matter said:" They deserve trial comrade leaders deserve trial (...) his attitude is criminal, rather serum to the patient, dynamite to scare children (sic) We have to outrage! ". This will have to explain to the Vice President that children are frightened of the dynamite ... but suffering from hunger, now more than two million children go hungry. Here is the limit of the government's lies: the hungry children comes first where malnutrition is presented to catastrophic levels.
why some departmental labor unions rejected what he said the central Bolivia. And if the government continues on the path of such statements, as a means to intimidate workers and cope with other social, things could become radicalized, with the government and the union bureaucracy: Do not forget that the workshop remains strong the end of December against gasolinazo.
One of the things that came to light, is that the government "as he had done in the conflicts of last year, accuses any sector worker who" pulls up to the plate "to be" agent of imperialism. " We insist: these are provocations seeking to isolate those who struggle the rest of society, but could have the opposite effect to that intended by the ruling party leading to extreme social polarization have not been given so far.
As you said Deputy Coordination with social movements, César Navarro, noting that the COB answer to "sectors of the ultra right that have infiltrated" a total lie only in the service of the unconditional defense of a government, Ultimately, more capitalist "reform" the proclamation.
With these arguments, they end up saying that anyone who attacks the government "communitarian socialism" (socialist who has nothing, and community, really, either) is right ...
COB Why was not until the end?
COB From the beginning, wanted to close the dispute as to give him a crumb of bread. The point is that the direction was highly questionable from the beginning.
At first, it was the first meeting with the government, the COB was half the idea of \u200b\u200blifting, but the bases were those imposed upon him to continue the strike.
But the key point is that the COB that this strike boost adoption increases at the levels needed to win the conflict and twist the arm of the government. What was done by the State was giving a paltry increase to get rid of the demonstrations. And that's made it look as COB a great "victory", the same leftist organizations such as the POR, which initially rejected the negligible increase, then raised it was "most desirable" ...
The truth is that the COB work this conflict with a view to the next Congress, today postponed until further notice.
This situation raises the need to build revolutionary addresses do not exist today. The task of incorporating new unions in the fight were not taken seriously. The Inter only stays in the margins that always was and never left where found. To win these conflicts, it should be large agencies to incorporate the majority of workers. CEDLA just released a report saying that 60% of the population receives a salary, refuting the vile lies of the government that we only reduced by 15% to the working population.
In conclusion, the negotiation is 11% away from the core that is fighting for better living conditions. This is wrong in the COB to raise their hands and determine "intermission" that is understandable when the people were for much more, or is understood that, ultimately, Montes y cia do nothing to end the game making MAS ruling.
To win the struggle is necessary to build a political instrument.
While these events happen, it is increasingly necessary body from political workers and for workers. This body would have to go against all union pressures being experienced in the conflict, leaving aside the pettiness and the prestige of one sector or another, and form the broadest possible unity with workers and peasants to fight for a perspective laying the foundations for an alternative to the lies of the MAS and its supporters.
This organization has to have the horizon to form the revolutionary leadership that is lacking today in the labor movement. A comparison of PER, which only sees the issue as political union, unions engaged in fights, the new organization has to put up a fight at a political level extended to all unions that already have experience with government and see no way out in the draft "change" silver by Morales and Linera.
Then, the project is to form a body that labor unions and transferred him from a political perspective revolutionary struggle of the labor movement, settling at once as an alternative to direct the struggle itself.
Saturday, April 23, 2011
Replacement Truck Tool Box Lock
The politics of Labor "or revolutionary politics? Call
After the general strike and the strike itself were the policies of the groups that make up the revolutionary left in the country. They were almost all groups (or small groups) these days but political differences and are evaluating what happened.
were those who said that "the strike lasted longer than expected" to those who, seeing a silver lining to the negotiations, agreed, saying that 1% was not enough, but "as he accepted the COB, respond so they decided to ". In the latter organization
we stop to make a purely political analysis of their union: it is the Revolutionary Workers Party (POR).
unrealistic approaches do not work to fight
Since long time ago, this organization suggests that you have to fight for the minimum wage or a salary commensurate to the basket that round today in the 8300 Bolivian.
No pregnant, fight for a qualitative increase workers' wages can not be to throw words to the wind pose unattainable goals under the present conditions, only after agreeing to end ridiculous figures to the unreality of the initial pose.
Because that's what happened: The tail-BY him the address of the COB that I start demanding an increase from the current $ 110 to $ 1100 minimum wage only to end up negotiating finalmentel by 1 percent: that is ten low dollars!
a pose so unreal can only serve to disarm the fight. For example, you can not deny that certain groups of workers listed with the requirement of such fear and unrealistic increase, thinking that employers prefer to throw them all and close the company ...
The fact is, as usual, the POR is not part of reality. Of course we all want to move from the worst wages in the region to be the first ... But this is not done with speeches and taking the thesis abstract Pulacayo as a talisman to resolve all conflicts, but based on actual power relations and projecting them from the struggle forward. Because if not, what happens is as stated: the pose unrealistic maximalist (which therefore can not convince) is passed without further to accept crumbs: this is because a claim can not be unrealistic parameter and then comes to accept any thing. Inter
: a progressive orientation but with bureaucratic features
We now turn to another aspect of the policy of BY: its policy of fostering inter-union, something not to be traditional organization. The fact is that it was raised last year to regroup the most militant, which as orientation, in principle, no longer correct.
The point is that the heat of the general discontent of the workers were building this project.
But the problem is that the bureaucratically BY finishes typing this positive experience from the teachers' unions city of La Paz and Casegural. That is, the inter-reduced, sectarian, unions that are driven only by the FOR ....
insist, no workers' democracy and no work in the perspective to include other sectors that are in the fight, all this culminates in a large dose of sectarianism.
Because the fact is that the FOR never went looking for other sectors. And it made no real revolutionary politics within these unions or outside them not to go beyond pure pose demands.
The balance which we have been expressed in the sad fact as the basis of teaching (a union that run from head to toe many years ago) comes to accept the paltry 1% increase.
This was one of the pillars of why the general strike could be successful, although of course we blame the usual suspects: the COB, which is but clear that the POR was not able to actually raise a political alternative: "From our point of view, the crisis of the COB is the crisis of leadership, leaders who have passed and now have abandoned the revolutionary politics "(Mass 2202).
course addresses the COB were always trailing the governments. But the problem is that the FOR never had a policy towards these directions. Just kept saying is "because of the way, we can not do anything ".... Avoiding in this way of formulating a policy alternative.
In another of its periodic read as follows "The union bureaucracy is full body naked and reveals that he has never wanted to take you seriously need to struggle to meet basic needs of those who claim to represent" (Mass 2208).
We wonder: it was 1% have negotiated with the government? Because, unfortunately, the POR, along with the COB had the same location in the conflict, only one has a labor union and other care for their own unions. The location of miserable
unionism (not designed as an alternative or lift a list of demands consistent and clear to the government directed MAS) is that you end up accepting this mockery of increase when, clearly, the situation was to go further, raising a different perspective on the direction of the COB and the government of Morales-Linera reform.
What we see is that the FOR has become entrenched in a purely political association despite his "radical" discourse is only in word and ends by confusing their own bases. This occurs when at the height of the class struggle out trading for 10 cents. This BY mates read: "It must become a political and organizational power inserted within social fighters, that lead to the seizure of power. Otherwise, the mobilization may use itself or elevate any vivillos in democratic outputs / bourgeois. "(Mass 2208)
But the reality is that the general strike at no time been "exhausted" and this is another very important discussion with the FOR, so if you shine in the absence of political organization is that they both preach.
Form a political instrument of the workers. We need a new revolutionary socialist organization
The point is that only a revolutionary party from the workers themselves, with workers' democracy, go out to fight politically against the union bureaucracy games we usually traditional parties, may provide an alternative whole.
Only then can form a new class of leaders who can bring together the healthiest of the working class.
For the perspective of revolutionary socialism, and not a mere trade unionism that stagnates over time and policy is that this raised the need to build a new revolutionary socialist organization in the country, part of this perspective, as tactical step to her, could also be the construction of an IPT. 
After the general strike and the strike itself were the policies of the groups that make up the revolutionary left in the country. They were almost all groups (or small groups) these days but political differences and are evaluating what happened.
were those who said that "the strike lasted longer than expected" to those who, seeing a silver lining to the negotiations, agreed, saying that 1% was not enough, but "as he accepted the COB, respond so they decided to ". In the latter organization
we stop to make a purely political analysis of their union: it is the Revolutionary Workers Party (POR).
unrealistic approaches do not work to fight
Since long time ago, this organization suggests that you have to fight for the minimum wage or a salary commensurate to the basket that round today in the 8300 Bolivian.
No pregnant, fight for a qualitative increase workers' wages can not be to throw words to the wind pose unattainable goals under the present conditions, only after agreeing to end ridiculous figures to the unreality of the initial pose.
Because that's what happened: The tail-BY him the address of the COB that I start demanding an increase from the current $ 110 to $ 1100 minimum wage only to end up negotiating finalmentel by 1 percent: that is ten low dollars!
a pose so unreal can only serve to disarm the fight. For example, you can not deny that certain groups of workers listed with the requirement of such fear and unrealistic increase, thinking that employers prefer to throw them all and close the company ...
The fact is, as usual, the POR is not part of reality. Of course we all want to move from the worst wages in the region to be the first ... But this is not done with speeches and taking the thesis abstract Pulacayo as a talisman to resolve all conflicts, but based on actual power relations and projecting them from the struggle forward. Because if not, what happens is as stated: the pose unrealistic maximalist (which therefore can not convince) is passed without further to accept crumbs: this is because a claim can not be unrealistic parameter and then comes to accept any thing. Inter
: a progressive orientation but with bureaucratic features
We now turn to another aspect of the policy of BY: its policy of fostering inter-union, something not to be traditional organization. The fact is that it was raised last year to regroup the most militant, which as orientation, in principle, no longer correct.
The point is that the heat of the general discontent of the workers were building this project.
But the problem is that the bureaucratically BY finishes typing this positive experience from the teachers' unions city of La Paz and Casegural. That is, the inter-reduced, sectarian, unions that are driven only by the FOR ....
insist, no workers' democracy and no work in the perspective to include other sectors that are in the fight, all this culminates in a large dose of sectarianism.
Because the fact is that the FOR never went looking for other sectors. And it made no real revolutionary politics within these unions or outside them not to go beyond pure pose demands.
The balance which we have been expressed in the sad fact as the basis of teaching (a union that run from head to toe many years ago) comes to accept the paltry 1% increase.
This was one of the pillars of why the general strike could be successful, although of course we blame the usual suspects: the COB, which is but clear that the POR was not able to actually raise a political alternative: "From our point of view, the crisis of the COB is the crisis of leadership, leaders who have passed and now have abandoned the revolutionary politics "(Mass 2202).
course addresses the COB were always trailing the governments. But the problem is that the FOR never had a policy towards these directions. Just kept saying is "because of the way, we can not do anything ".... Avoiding in this way of formulating a policy alternative.
In another of its periodic read as follows "The union bureaucracy is full body naked and reveals that he has never wanted to take you seriously need to struggle to meet basic needs of those who claim to represent" (Mass 2208).
We wonder: it was 1% have negotiated with the government? Because, unfortunately, the POR, along with the COB had the same location in the conflict, only one has a labor union and other care for their own unions. The location of miserable
unionism (not designed as an alternative or lift a list of demands consistent and clear to the government directed MAS) is that you end up accepting this mockery of increase when, clearly, the situation was to go further, raising a different perspective on the direction of the COB and the government of Morales-Linera reform.
What we see is that the FOR has become entrenched in a purely political association despite his "radical" discourse is only in word and ends by confusing their own bases. This occurs when at the height of the class struggle out trading for 10 cents. This BY mates read: "It must become a political and organizational power inserted within social fighters, that lead to the seizure of power. Otherwise, the mobilization may use itself or elevate any vivillos in democratic outputs / bourgeois. "(Mass 2208)
But the reality is that the general strike at no time been "exhausted" and this is another very important discussion with the FOR, so if you shine in the absence of political organization is that they both preach.
Form a political instrument of the workers. We need a new revolutionary socialist organization
The point is that only a revolutionary party from the workers themselves, with workers' democracy, go out to fight politically against the union bureaucracy games we usually traditional parties, may provide an alternative whole.
Only then can form a new class of leaders who can bring together the healthiest of the working class.
For the perspective of revolutionary socialism, and not a mere trade unionism that stagnates over time and policy is that this raised the need to build a new revolutionary socialist organization in the country, part of this perspective, as tactical step to her, could also be the construction of an IPT.
Monday, April 18, 2011
When Hot Flashed Disapear After Ovulation
Spanair: Shuttle Service Form. Collar
In order to expedite the check-in process for your pet when you arrive at the airport, we leave the next link where you can download the necessary form to take your pet by air Spanair which may be carried and completed at home.
this form you can also apply to staff Spanair check-in.
In order to expedite the check-in process for your pet when you arrive at the airport, we leave the next link where you can download the necessary form to take your pet by air Spanair which may be carried and completed at home.
this form you can also apply to staff Spanair check-in.
Thursday, April 14, 2011
How Soldiers Solved Trench Foot
National Assembly, working, original and popular
must win the strike and advance the organization
The situation every day more and more power. Problems develop in part by the decided to fix the problems. The government says it "does not touch the reserves that belong to all Bolivians" ... but if you spend in government affairs. Perhaps someone you consulted the purchase of a satellite when working people are starving, the satellite will serve only the wealthy telecommunications entrepreneur is only for the rich to continue doing lucrative business with the workers. In this if the government is spending priorities.
But the government is not only campaigning against workers on the television or radio but lies and dodges status as President Evo Morales was going on a trip to Tarija. Leaving the country to the brink of a national upheaval.
On one hand the President does not deign to discuss the problems and then out to government workers attack with slander. But these activities had been suspended by President mobilizations of workers joining in the national discontent Tarija. The same thing happened on the morning of Thursday 14 in Yacuiba in which workers stand with the president's activities by stopping and demanding agenda to solve the problems.
To succeed in ending the strike is necessary to stop the production base across the country. Intensify locks and control measures in pursuit of getting a pay raise not 15% as stated in the COB but 40%.
The government plays a divide the population
Government policy is to face people. Vice President García Linera and last Friday had urged that the people themselves will put a brake on the march. This had no effect on a point that the social base loses MAS to unprecedented levels. In this sense the government is meeting with leaders of peasants to be shock troops against the workers themselves. This game makes the government can have tragic consequences for the government itself if the blood came to laugh.
also his campaign against the workers of the health funds, blaming their own employees to leave the sick causes discontent grows increasingly. The police repression that makes these movements of workers potentially a more radical departure in government policy. In this play there is no negotiation at all, as more time passes it will become difficult to have an outlet in the framework of the dialogue. What starts to pose a much more radical departure to the facts.
Moving from wage demands
policies again, and the tension in the country, is necessary to discuss more advanced measures, which give workers a tool to overcome the economic crisis the country is living. Has long been discussing the need for a body that can unify and coordinate the struggle, one of these is the inter-experience, but you have to go a step further and this is to ask the National Assembly of Workers.
is necessary to form an organization through the Central Obrera Boliviana than answers and power to carry out the nationalization of the mines, get the multinational oil companies and all private companies, that is what the government never intended to perform. But there will be no support for wage increase if these measures are not performed. What is needed now is to ask the National Assembly that meets all the organisms in the fight and bring together all sectors combative. The National Assembly must have the political orientation and an alternative to this government that turns its back on workers.
This assembly has to be forming an alternative power from the working class to respond to all workers.
National Assembly for a response to workers.
Strengthen measures to fight to win the general strike. Down
21060 and by a true nationalization of oil and mines.
must win the strike and advance the organization
The situation every day more and more power. Problems develop in part by the decided to fix the problems. The government says it "does not touch the reserves that belong to all Bolivians" ... but if you spend in government affairs. Perhaps someone you consulted the purchase of a satellite when working people are starving, the satellite will serve only the wealthy telecommunications entrepreneur is only for the rich to continue doing lucrative business with the workers. In this if the government is spending priorities.
But the government is not only campaigning against workers on the television or radio but lies and dodges status as President Evo Morales was going on a trip to Tarija. Leaving the country to the brink of a national upheaval.
On one hand the President does not deign to discuss the problems and then out to government workers attack with slander. But these activities had been suspended by President mobilizations of workers joining in the national discontent Tarija. The same thing happened on the morning of Thursday 14 in Yacuiba in which workers stand with the president's activities by stopping and demanding agenda to solve the problems.
To succeed in ending the strike is necessary to stop the production base across the country. Intensify locks and control measures in pursuit of getting a pay raise not 15% as stated in the COB but 40%.
The government plays a divide the population
Government policy is to face people. Vice President García Linera and last Friday had urged that the people themselves will put a brake on the march. This had no effect on a point that the social base loses MAS to unprecedented levels. In this sense the government is meeting with leaders of peasants to be shock troops against the workers themselves. This game makes the government can have tragic consequences for the government itself if the blood came to laugh.
also his campaign against the workers of the health funds, blaming their own employees to leave the sick causes discontent grows increasingly. The police repression that makes these movements of workers potentially a more radical departure in government policy. In this play there is no negotiation at all, as more time passes it will become difficult to have an outlet in the framework of the dialogue. What starts to pose a much more radical departure to the facts.
Moving from wage demands
policies again, and the tension in the country, is necessary to discuss more advanced measures, which give workers a tool to overcome the economic crisis the country is living. Has long been discussing the need for a body that can unify and coordinate the struggle, one of these is the inter-experience, but you have to go a step further and this is to ask the National Assembly of Workers.
is necessary to form an organization through the Central Obrera Boliviana than answers and power to carry out the nationalization of the mines, get the multinational oil companies and all private companies, that is what the government never intended to perform. But there will be no support for wage increase if these measures are not performed. What is needed now is to ask the National Assembly that meets all the organisms in the fight and bring together all sectors combative. The National Assembly must have the political orientation and an alternative to this government that turns its back on workers.
This assembly has to be forming an alternative power from the working class to respond to all workers.
National Assembly for a response to workers.
Strengthen measures to fight to win the general strike. Down
21060 and by a true nationalization of oil and mines.
By Martin Camacho 
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