"If This is change, change is a m. .. ".
Thus began the first days of April, with people on the street and with a degree of dissatisfaction was seen in the faces of the working class mobilized. The facts were developed gradually with the passing days and the government decided to problems worker population, an issue that has been questioned since the days against gasolinazo December.
So, more and more departments were added to the struggles. But there were twists and turns that will be explained below regarding how they ended up giving the facts.
In short, what is gained is a miserable 10 plus 1% wage increase, far behind what the fight left raised as a possibility.
The main control measure employed in years
At this point we stop to explain the scope and limits has been a general strike. The first thing we say is that was the biggest strike that has taken to suffer the government since the inauguration of Evo Morales. If I fail to be truly "general", however not without its enormous importance we dare say.
The fact is that joined tens of thousands of workers, the measure was truly national in scope, with the epicenter in La Paz, where marches were held for more than ten consecutive days. But the most remarkable of all was that for the first time in many years in the heart of the fight again to be important sectors of the working class wage.
mobilized workers were miners, workers, teachers, faculty and staff of universities and, finally, stockholders. Those
were most prevalent were the teachers on both the rural and urban components. Clarify that rural teachers was one of the most important arms of government support among the employees in previous years. But today, the unrest has reached that these workers have enough experience with this government to understand that it is not a government of workers.
The COB provides a strike that was for more
But we also see the limitations that had the first real test of a general strike under the MAS government.
One was given by the fact that the miners were fighting for the wage increase, well stated by the executive la federación de mineros que ellos "no estaban por el salario".... Por esto no hubo la paralización de actividades en las minas; y no estuvo planteada la consigna de nacionalización de la minería privada, porque muchos compañeros en un grado atrasado de la conciencia, siguen defendiendo como fuente de trabajo a la minería privada.
Esta fue una de las causas por la que la huelga no haya sido más intensa y con mayor presencia minera en la ciudad. Y de esto se agarro el gobierno para decir que "la producción no estaba paralizada". Algo parecido paso entre los fabriles, pero con otro signo: la precariedad del trabajo hacia peligrar fuentes de trabajo si se paraba algunas fabricas. Sin embargo, la razón fundamental de que factory workers have not been mobilized forcefully as last year lies in the bureaucratic leaders and not elsewhere.
From this it becomes the responsibility of the current leadership of the COB at the head of Pedro Montes. Because the reality is that it came very discredited after the betrayal of last year when left isolated factory workers and teachers. In this part many of the whys no progress was made in the fight. The betrayals are paid someday.
That's where the COB to negotiate and carry out and, again, to sell a strike that was on the rise and the whole society polarized by two cents. Because the strike had everything to gain from having open a clear political crisis in the government, which again seemed to lose control of events ", especially when the strike had no signs of wear and more unions are prepared to enter on Monday before the talks.
The old trick of accusing reformist workers in struggle as "agents" of the right
Another mistake was to have left the strike and can not guarantee that the government did not retaliate. The output should end the conflict by imposing the government not to take revenge, dismissals or discounts to employees. But the leadership of the COB does not guarantee even that which is fundamental to keep intact the fighting forces, and more so when those forces seem to be growing.
In the words of Vice President García Linera tired to discredit the movement, rather than slander, making provocative statements, "the matter said:" They deserve trial comrade leaders deserve trial (...) his attitude is criminal, rather serum to the patient, dynamite to scare children (sic) We have to outrage! ". This will have to explain to the Vice President that children are frightened of the dynamite ... but suffering from hunger, now more than two million children go hungry. Here is the limit of the government's lies: the hungry children comes first where malnutrition is presented to catastrophic levels.
why some departmental labor unions rejected what he said the central Bolivia. And if the government continues on the path of such statements, as a means to intimidate workers and cope with other social, things could become radicalized, with the government and the union bureaucracy: Do not forget that the workshop remains strong the end of December against gasolinazo.
One of the things that came to light, is that the government "as he had done in the conflicts of last year, accuses any sector worker who" pulls up to the plate "to be" agent of imperialism. " We insist: these are provocations seeking to isolate those who struggle the rest of society, but could have the opposite effect to that intended by the ruling party leading to extreme social polarization have not been given so far.
As you said Deputy Coordination with social movements, César Navarro, noting that the COB answer to "sectors of the ultra right that have infiltrated" a total lie only in the service of the unconditional defense of a government, Ultimately, more capitalist "reform" the proclamation.
With these arguments, they end up saying that anyone who attacks the government "communitarian socialism" (socialist who has nothing, and community, really, either) is right ...
COB Why was not until the end?
COB From the beginning, wanted to close the dispute as to give him a crumb of bread. The point is that the direction was highly questionable from the beginning.
At first, it was the first meeting with the government, the COB was half the idea of \u200b\u200blifting, but the bases were those imposed upon him to continue the strike.
But the key point is that the COB that this strike boost adoption increases at the levels needed to win the conflict and twist the arm of the government. What was done by the State was giving a paltry increase to get rid of the demonstrations. And that's made it look as COB a great "victory", the same leftist organizations such as the POR, which initially rejected the negligible increase, then raised it was "most desirable" ...
The truth is that the COB work this conflict with a view to the next Congress, today postponed until further notice.
This situation raises the need to build revolutionary addresses do not exist today. The task of incorporating new unions in the fight were not taken seriously. The Inter only stays in the margins that always was and never left where found. To win these conflicts, it should be large agencies to incorporate the majority of workers. CEDLA just released a report saying that 60% of the population receives a salary, refuting the vile lies of the government that we only reduced by 15% to the working population.
In conclusion, the negotiation is 11% away from the core that is fighting for better living conditions. This is wrong in the COB to raise their hands and determine "intermission" that is understandable when the people were for much more, or is understood that, ultimately, Montes y cia do nothing to end the game making MAS ruling.
To win the struggle is necessary to build a political instrument.
While these events happen, it is increasingly necessary body from political workers and for workers. This body would have to go against all union pressures being experienced in the conflict, leaving aside the pettiness and the prestige of one sector or another, and form the broadest possible unity with workers and peasants to fight for a perspective laying the foundations for an alternative to the lies of the MAS and its supporters.
This organization has to have the horizon to form the revolutionary leadership that is lacking today in the labor movement. A comparison of PER, which only sees the issue as political union, unions engaged in fights, the new organization has to put up a fight at a political level extended to all unions that already have experience with government and see no way out in the draft "change" silver by Morales and Linera.
Then, the project is to form a body that labor unions and transferred him from a political perspective revolutionary struggle of the labor movement, settling at once as an alternative to direct the struggle itself.
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